Reframing The Debate On The Speaker’s Race: It’s About Secret Ballots, A Referendum On Vouchers

Up to now, you’ve read here a lot at Capitol Annex about all of the various and sundry reasons that we believe it could be next to impossible to to unseat Speaker Tom Craddick (R-Midland).

You’ve also heard a lot from me concerning the concept of “eating our own” that has arisen among Democratic bloggers and activists when it comes to Democrats pledged to Craddick. We’ve noted previously that this strategy is pointless because of Craddick’s strength and because many of these Democrats are fearful of losing various things for their districts if they don’t support Craddick.

After thoughtful examination, the debate on Craddick’s speakership can be boiled down to two different things: school vouchers and secret ballots.

 

You might wonder what makes these two things related to each other. First off, they aren’t specifically related to each other although making the latter a reality would derail the former.

Consider this: the race for Speaker of the Texas House is a referendum on private school vouchers.

Before you laugh, consider this: I’ve noted on this blog before that this is pretty much Leininger’s last hurrah when it comes to getting school vouchers passed by the Legislature this decade (and possibly longer). There is only a slim chance, as the state trends, that the Republicans will hold their majority next cycle, and they certainly won’t hold it past 2010. And, even if they do, the fact that it has become fairly easy to defeat voucher advocates (as proved by Texas Parent PAC) will by definition make the Republican Party in the Lege more oderate.
Considering those factors, the race for speaker is all about school vouchers. Does that oversimplify things? Perhaps, but it is true: all of the arm twisting, threatening, lobbying and the over-the-top aggression of Team Craddick is and has always been about giving the top donors what they want.

And, the only donor left whom the Lege hasn’t paid its due to is James Leininger, and several others who are hogtied to the school voucher advocate.

Leininger’s ties to Governor Rick Perry are well known. But, Leininger is heavily tied to Craddick, too. Not only was Leininger dead-set on defeating anti-voucher incumbents (none of whom had been exactly the darlings of Craddick), but another Leininger ally is Bill Ceverha, who also happens to be Craddick’s favorite Lobbyist, and the former chair of  Texans for a Republican Majority.  Oh, and  Ceverha is the lobbyist for Louis A. Beecherl Jr., who has given thousands to Craddick’s speaker PAC and TRMPAC. Leininger is just as married to Leininger and his voucher ideas (and beholden to his money) as anyone else.

This is also something that Freshmen reps coming into the House need to know. Sure, they probably are aware of the broad-strokes manner in which this tangled web is woven, but to know exactly how it is put together and how that equals the race being a referendum on vouchers is important, too.
So, in terms of reframing the debate for Democrats and Republicans is to note that it is about vouchers.

With Craddick as speaker, he’ll have his votes for vouchers. Why? Because the bullying and intimidation won’t stop with the speaker’s race. Given that the position of voucher advocates as their agenda relates to the legislature right now is about like having eight seconds in overtime and only one person to shoot to, the urgency behind getting vouchers passed this session is not lost on Craddick and his allies.

That’s why the Autism Voucher Bill is such an important part of the voucher advocates’ toolbox: if it is passed this time, the Legislature, regardless of its composition, will be obligated to continue to deal with the matter for revisions, etc. This will open the door for more voucher legislation because, as you know, once you open the door to something in state government a little, it’s very easy to end up going whole-hog.

That bill aside, Leininger has even softened his approach to vouchers in hopes Craddick can push it through in this last ditch effort. And, if he is speaker, he’ll find a way. As I said, the intimidation won’t stop with the election, and Craddick will use his power to hamstring appropriations, legislation and more until a voucher bill passes his chamber.

Vouchers are a key reason Craddick must be defeated, and a useful way to frame the debate.

In addition to vouchers, we have the issue of a secret ballot.

While I am normally an advocate of open government in all areas, because of the athmosphere of the Craddick administration, a vote for speaker must be by secret ballot. That way, members can vote their consience without fear of retribution.

This is especially important when you consider the issue of vouchers. A lot of legislators—both for and against vouchers—do not want to be put in the position of having to cast votes on a voucher bill this session. Why? Because the electorate is decidedly anti-voucher right now and their vote will either draw them a primary opponent or give their general election opponent special ammunition.

Thus, it is much better for them to cast a secret vote for Speaker because with that vote, they can get rid of Craddick and not have to cast that vote on vouchers.

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